Comparative research dashboard for Same Sun, Different Fates — tracking solar deployment, political economy, and energy transition pathways across 14 case countries spanning Asia, Africa, Europe, and the Americas.
Kazakhstan sits atop vast fossil fuel wealth and institutional capture by oil-and-gas interests, producing chronically laggard solar deployment despite world-class irradiation. It is the book's primary resource-curse counterpoint to Uzbekistan: same region, similar technology access, radically different political incentives — and a much slower transition.
Uzbekistan is executing one of Central Asia's most dramatic top-down energy transitions, pivoting from near-total gas dependence toward large-scale solar IPPs financed by Chinese, Saudi, and UAE capital. The Shams Uzbekistan program and Sherabad 457 MW project represent state-led deployment at speed — raising the core book question of whether authoritarian capacity enables or ultimately distorts durable energy transitions.
No recent news collected.
Pakistan is the book's national-scale 'sidestep it' case (Chapter 6): behind-the-meter household and commercial solar — an estimated fifth of 2025 generation — routes around an insolvent grid. It illustrates grid secession as the market mechanism's failure mode, unfolding amid circular debt and a retreat from net metering toward net billing.
Vietnam is the book's marquee 'legislate it' case: an aggressive feed-in tariff manufactured a credible offtake commitment and triggered one of the world's fastest solar booms. It shows how a domestic policy instrument can stand in for external anchoring — and how FIT design choices then transfer the strain onto grid integration and curtailment.
Turkey is the book's coda to the 'legislate it' chapter: domestic feed-in support roughly doubled installed solar in about two and a half years, testing whether policy-made commitment holds up under macroeconomic and currency stress. It is the cautionary bookend to Vietnam — the same mechanism, a harder monetary environment.
Kenya is Sub-Saharan Africa's most compelling solar leapfrog case: strong regulatory institutions (REREC, EPRA), IFC-backed IPP frameworks, and deep off-grid penetration through M-KOPA and similar platforms. It tests whether formal institutions and donor-supported markets can substitute for high state capacity in driving a grid-scale transition.
Ghana has more stable democratic institutions than its West African peers but slower solar deployment than its institutional quality would predict. Legacy power-sector IPP contracts, PURC/ECG financial distress, and currency risk create structural barriers even with political goodwill — making it a useful test of whether institutional quality alone suffices without supportive financial conditions.
Mali is the WPSA paper's fragile-state case: coup-cycle governance instability, French military withdrawal, and Wagner Group presence define an environment at the outer limits of institutional capacity for energy transition. It anchors the low end of the West Africa comparison and tests whether any external program can function without sovereign stability.
No recent news collected.
Senegal is West Africa's most sophisticated renewable energy market: the Scaling Solar program, Senelec grid expansion, and a democratic political tradition create a relatively enabling environment. A major offshore gas windfall creates the central analytical tension — whether hydrocarbon revenue will crowd out renewables or fund the transition infrastructure the grid needs.
No recent news collected.
Chile is the book's scope boundary: world-class irradiation and heavy deployment show that credibility governs financing, not physical integration. Its transmission bottlenecks and curtailment are engineering constraints, not the commitment problem the book explains — marking where the argument's writ ends.
Mexico is the book's incumbent-capture case: entrenched state utilities (CFE, Pemex) subordinate abundant solar potential no matter how cheap panels get, showing how incumbent power poisons every financing source. CENACE grid-access rules and suspended auctions froze a formerly leading market; the Sheinbaum government's posture is the live analytical question, with 20,943 MW of cumulative Chinese panel imports signalling a supply chain ready to absorb any reversal.
Greece is the book's lead case for the 'join it' mechanism (Chapter 3): embedding in the EU compressed the cost of capital and drove solar to roughly a fifth of generation. It anchors the argument that binding into a credible external order can substitute for scarce domestic commitment, converting cheap panels into durable power far faster than income alone would predict.
Croatia is the book's shadow case to Greece's lead on 'join it': post-accession institutional cleanup and cheaper capital lifted renewable investment after 2013 entry. It shows what full EU membership unlocks that candidacy alone (Serbia) cannot — embedding in a credible external order as a substitute for scarce domestic commitment.
No recent news collected.
Serbia is the book's foil for the 'join it' mechanism and the case that shows the import channel is content-neutral: the same development-finance model that funds solar also built the Kostolac lignite plant. Reform is driven by EU accession conditionality, but weak institutions and enduring energy ties with Russia create deep path dependencies — testing how far a candidate state moves before membership locks in commitment.
| Country | Pathway / Project | Elec. access | GDP/cap | Renew. % final (World Bank) |
Solar PV (IRENA) |
Solar CAGR | Renew. % elec. (Ember) |
Democracy | V-Dem Electoral |
WGI Rule of Law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Kazakhstan | Resource Trap | 100.0% | $12,879 | 2.0% | 1.31 GW | 119.6% since 2013 | 14.9% | Autocracy | 0.271 | — |
| Uzbekistan | Fossil-to-Solar | 100.0% | $3,016 | 1.0% | 474 MW | 85.2% since 2013 | 19.4% | Autocracy | 0.214 | — |
| Pakistan | Grid Secession | 95.6% | $1,360 | 41.6% | 3.21 GW | 87.3% since 2007 | 46.8% | Democracy | 0.335 | — |
| Vietnam | FIT Boom | 99.8% | $4,323 | 24.2% | 18.6 GW | 72.8% since 2001 | 45.4% | Autocracy | 0.148 | — |
| Turkey | FIT Coda | 100.0% | $13,375 | 12.0% | 11.3 GW | 65.8% since 2000 | 43.3% | Anocracy | 0.285 | — |
| Kenya | Leapfrog | 76.2% | $1,943 | 67.7% | 534 MW | 97.5% since 2007 | 90.0% | Democracy | 0.566 | — |
| Ghana | Emerging Market | 89.5% | $2,384 | 39.0% | 188 MW | 50.6% since 2013 | 36.2% | Democracy | 0.664 | — |
| Mali | Low Capacity | 54.5% | $1,042 | 71.1% | 97 MW | 70.0% since 2007 | 19.5% | Weak Dem. | 0.231 | — |
| Senegal | Pioneer | 74.2% | $1,698 | 35.4% | 231 MW | 30.9% since 2010 | 19.8% | Democracy | 0.626 | — |
| Chile | Scope Boundary | 100.0% | $17,082 | 24.2% | 8.63 GW | 212.4% since 2011 | 66.4% | Democracy | 0.837 | — |
| Mexico | Incumbent Capture | 99.7% | $13,831 | 13.0% | 10.9 GW | 33.6% since 2000 | 23.1% | Democracy | 0.549 | — |
| Greece | EU Embedding · Lead | 100.0% | $23,344 | 21.5% | 6.69 GW | 49.2% since 2001 | 47.8% | Democracy | 0.740 | — |
| Croatia | EU Embedding · Shadow | 100.0% | $22,183 | 34.1% | 462 MW | 68.9% since 2009 | 76.3% | Democracy | 0.744 | — |
| Serbia | EU Embedding · Foil | 100.0% | $12,282 | 27.2% | 197 MW | 37.1% since 2005 | 27.8% | Democracy | 0.360 | — |