Comparative research dashboard for Same Sun, Different Fates — tracking solar deployment, political economy, and energy transition pathways across 11 case countries on four continents.
Kazakhstan sits atop vast fossil fuel wealth and institutional capture by oil-and-gas interests, producing chronically laggard solar deployment despite world-class irradiation. It is the book's primary resource-curse counterpoint to Uzbekistan: same region, similar technology access, radically different political incentives — and a much slower transition.
Uzbekistan is executing one of Central Asia's most dramatic top-down energy transitions, pivoting from near-total gas dependence toward large-scale solar IPPs financed by Chinese, Saudi, and UAE capital. The Shams Uzbekistan program and Sherabad 457 MW project represent state-led deployment at speed — raising the core book question of whether authoritarian capacity enables or ultimately distorts durable energy transitions.
Kenya is Sub-Saharan Africa's most compelling solar leapfrog case: strong regulatory institutions (REREC, EPRA), IFC-backed IPP frameworks, and deep off-grid penetration through M-KOPA and similar platforms. It tests whether formal institutions and donor-supported markets can substitute for high state capacity in driving a grid-scale transition.
Mexico is the book's democratic-backsliding case: enormous solar potential stalled by the AMLO administration's deliberate subordination of renewables to CFE and Pemex. CENACE grid-access rules and suspended auctions froze a formerly leading market. The Sheinbaum government's posture is the live analytical question — and Mexico's 20,943 MW of cumulative Chinese panel imports signals a supply chain ready to absorb policy reversal.
Croatia's post-accession trajectory is the book's before/after EU membership case: institutional cleanup and renewable investment surged following 2013 entry. It provides the comparative benchmark for Serbia — showing what full EU membership unlocks that candidacy alone cannot.
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Serbia's energy reform is largely driven by EU accession conditionality, but weak institutions and enduring energy ties with Russia create deep path dependencies. It tests whether external conditionality can substitute for domestic political will — and how far a candidate state will go before full membership locks in reforms.
Slovakia demonstrates that EU membership alone does not guarantee a renewable build-out. Its political economy tilts toward nuclear expansion and fossil-fuel incumbency, with solar deployment well below EU peers. It is the book's within-EU negative case: same regulatory environment, different political incentives, slower transition.
Slovenia consistently outperforms EU renewable targets, serving as the book's small-open-economy EU success case. Stable institutions, access to European capital markets, and regulatory alignment with the EU Green Deal combine to produce steady if unspectacular solar growth — the baseline democratic transition model.
Ghana has more stable democratic institutions than its West African peers but slower solar deployment than its institutional quality would predict. Legacy power-sector IPP contracts, PURC/ECG financial distress, and currency risk create structural barriers even with political goodwill — making it a useful test of whether institutional quality alone suffices without supportive financial conditions.
Mali is the WPSA paper's fragile-state case: coup-cycle governance instability, French military withdrawal, and Wagner Group presence define an environment at the outer limits of institutional capacity for energy transition. It anchors the low end of the West Africa comparison and tests whether any external program can function without sovereign stability.
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Senegal is West Africa's most sophisticated renewable energy market: the Scaling Solar program, Senelec grid expansion, and a democratic political tradition create a relatively enabling environment. A major offshore gas windfall creates the central analytical tension — whether hydrocarbon revenue will crowd out renewables or fund the transition infrastructure the grid needs.
| Country | Pathway / Project | Elec. access | GDP/cap | Renew. % final (World Bank) |
Solar PV (IRENA) |
Solar CAGR | Renew. % elec. (Ember) |
Democracy | V-Dem Electoral |
WGI Rule of Law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Kazakhstan | Resource Trap | 100.0% | $12,879 | 2.0% | 1.31 GW | 119.6% since 2013 | 15.2% | Autocracy | 0.271 | -0.45 |
| Uzbekistan | Fossil-to-Solar | 100.0% | $2,879 | 1.0% | 474 MW | 85.2% since 2013 | 9.2% | Autocracy | 0.214 | -0.83 |
| Kenya | Leapfrog | 76.2% | $1,943 | 67.7% | 534 MW | 97.5% since 2007 | 91.9% | Democracy | 0.566 | -0.33 |
| Mexico | Middle Ground | 99.7% | $13,861 | 13.0% | 10.9 GW | 33.6% since 2000 | 21.1% | Democracy | 0.549 | -0.81 |
| Croatia | EU Accelerator | 100.0% | $22,184 | 34.1% | 462 MW | 68.9% since 2009 | 75.9% | Democracy | 0.744 | 0.36 |
| Serbia | Candidate Pressure | 100.0% | $12,282 | 27.2% | 197 MW | 37.1% since 2005 | 27.0% | Democracy | 0.360 | -0.07 |
| Slovakia | EU Laggard | 100.0% | $24,615 | 17.9% | 593 MW | 30.3% since 2010 | 18.7% | Democracy | 0.817 | 0.60 |
| Slovenia | EU Leader | 100.0% | $32,660 | 23.4% | 1.03 GW | 73.7% since 2005 | 39.8% | Democracy | 0.757 | 1.04 |
| Ghana | Emerging Market | 89.5% | $2,384 | 39.0% | 188 MW | 50.6% since 2013 | 38.5% | Democracy | 0.664 | -0.10 |
| Mali | Low Capacity | 54.5% | $1,044 | 71.1% | 97 MW | 70.0% since 2007 | 42.7% | Weak Dem. | 0.231 | -0.98 |
| Senegal | Pioneer | 74.2% | $1,698 | 35.4% | 231 MW | 30.9% since 2010 | 21.7% | Democracy | 0.626 | -0.27 |